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AN
APPEAL TO THE PUBLIC FOR RELIGIOUS LIBERTY
Against
the Oppreffions of the prefent Day.
By
Isaac Backus.
Brethren,
ye have been called Unto Liberty ; only ufe not Liberty
for an occalion to the Flefh, but by love ferve one another. GAL.
V. 13.
B
O S T O N :
Printed
by John Boyle in Marlborough Street.
MDCCLXXIlI.
An
Appeal to the Public (1773) is prefaced with an essay
on political theory that shows charter rights and divine
or supernatural rights to be fundamental to Backus's
argument at this stage of his thinking. Natural rights
of a Lockean kind he had not yet reconciled with his
view of human depravity derived from John Calvin. The
body of the piece explores in some detail the problems
of church—state relations that so vitally interested
Backus and the Baptists. Backus's most famous work is
his "Baptist History," or A History of New-England with
Particular Reference to the Denomination of Christians
Known as Baptists (3 vols.: Boston, 1777—96; 2-vol.
rev. ed.: David Weston, 1871).
I
N T R O D U C T I O N
Inasmuch
as there appears to us a real need of such an appeal, we
would previously offer a few thoughts concerning the general
nature of liberty and government, and then shew wherein
it appears to us, that our religious rights are encroached
upon in this land.
It
is supposed by multitudes, that in submitting to government
we give up some part of our liberty, because they imagine
that there is something in their nature incompatible with
each other. But the word of truth plainly shews, that man
first lost his freedom by breaking over the rules of government;
and that those who now speak great swelling words about
liberty, while they despise government, are themselves servants
of corruption. What a dangerous error, yea, what a root
of all evil then must it be, for men to imagine that there
is any thing in the nature of true government that interferes
with true and full liberty! A grand cause of this evil is,
ignorance of what we are, and where we are; for did we view
things in their true light, it would appear to be as absurd
and dangerous, for us to aspire after any thing beyond our
capacity, or out of the rule of our duty, as it would for
the frog to swell till he bursts himself in trying to get
as big as the ox, or for a beast or fowl to dive into the
fishes element till they drown themselves. Godliness
with contentment is great gain: But they that will
take a contrary course fall into temptation, and a snare,
and into many foolish and hurtful lusts, which drown men
in destruction and perdition. 1 Tim. 6. 6, 9.
The
true liberty of man is, to know, obey and enjoy his Creator,
and to do all the good unto, and enjoy all the happiness
with and in his fellow-creatures that he is capable of;
in order to which the law of love was written in his heart,
which carries in it's nature union and benevolence to being
in general, and to each being in particular, according to
it's nature and excellency, and to it's relation and connexion
to and with the supreme Being, and ourselves. Each rational
soul, as he is a part of the whole system of rational beings,
so it was and is, both his duty and his liberty to regard
the good of the whole in all his actions. To love ourselves,
and truly to seek our own welfare, is both our liberty and
our indispensible duty; but the conceit that man could advance
either his honor or happiness, by disobedience instead of
obedience, was first injected by the father of lies, and
all such conceits ever since are as false as he is.
Before
man imagined that submission to government, and acting strictly
by rule was confinement, and that breaking over those bounds
would enlarge his knowledge and happiness, how clear were
his ideas! (even so as to give proper names to every creature)
and how great was his honor and pleasure! But no sooner
did he transgress, than instead of enjoying the boldness
of innocency, and the liberties of paradise, he sneaks away
to hide himself; and instead of clear and just ideas, he
adopted that master of all absurdities (which his children
follow to this day) of thinking to hide from omniciency,
and of trying to deceive him who knows every thing! Instead
of good and happiness, he felt evil, guilt and misery; and
in the room of concord was wrangling, both against his Creator
and his fellow-creature, even so that she who was before
loved as his own flesh, he now accuses to the great Judge.
By which it appears, that the notion of man's gaining any
dignity or liberty by refusing an intire submission to government,
was so delusive, that instead of it's advancing him to be
as gods, it sunk him down into a way of acting like the
beasts and like the devil! the beasts are actuated by their
senses and inclinations, and the devil pursues his designs
by deceit and violence. With malicious reflections upon
God, and flattering pretences to man, he drew him down to
gratify his eyes and his taste with forbidden fruit: and
he had no sooner revolted from the authority of heaven,
than the beauty and order of his family was broken; he turns
accuser against the wife of his bosom, his first son murders
the next, and then lies to his Maker to conceal it; and
that lying murderer's posterity were the first who broke
over the order of marriage which God had instituted; and
things proceeded from bad to worse, till all flesh had corrupted
his way, and the earth was filled with violence, so that
they could no longer be borne with, but by a just vengeance
were all swept away, only one family.
Yet
all this did not remove the dreadful distemper from man's
nature, for the great Ruler of the universe directly after
the flood, gave this as one reason why he would not bring
such another while the earth remains, namely, For the
imagination of man's heart is evil from his youth, so
that if he was to drown them as often as they deserved it,
one deluge must follow another continually. Observe well
where the distemper lies; evil imaginations have usurped
the place of reason and a well informed judgment, and hold
them in such bondage, that instead of being governed by
those noble faculties, they are put to the horrid drugery
of seeking out inventions, for the gratification of fleshly
lusts, which war against the soul; and to guard against
having these worst of all enemies detected and subdued;
enemies which are so far from being God's creatures, that
strictly speaking, they have no being at all in themselves,
only are the privation of his creatures well-being; therefore
sin, with it's offspring death, will, as to those who are
saved, be swallowed up in victory. Sin is an enemy both
to God and man, which was begotten by satan, and was conceived
and brought forth by man; for lust when it is conceived
bringeth forth sin, and sin when it is finished bringeth
forth death.
Now
how often have we been told, that he is not a freeman but
a slave, whose person and goods are not at his own but anothers
disposal? And to have foreigners come and riot at our expence
and in the fruit of our labours, has often been represented
to be worse than death. And should the higher powers appear
to deal with temporal oppressors according to their deserts,
it would seem strange indeed, if those who have suffered
intolerably by them, should employ all their art and power
to conceal them, and so to prevent their being brought to
justice! But how is our world filled with such madness concerning
spiritual tyrants! How far have pride and infidelity, covetousness
and luxury, yea deceit and cruelty, those foreigners which
came from hell, carried their influence, and spread their
baneful mischiefs in our world! Yet who is willing to own
that he has been deceived and enslaved by them? Who is willing
honestly to bring them forth to justice! All acknowledge
that these enemies are among us, and many complain aloud
of the mischiefs that they do; yet even those who lift their
heads so high as to laugh at the atonement of Jesus, and
the powerful influences of the Spirit, and slight public
& private devotion, are at the same time very unwilling
to own that they harbour pride, infidelity, or any other
of those dreadful tyrants. And nothing but the divine law
refered to above, brought home with convincing light and
power, can make them truly sensible of the soul-slavery
that they are in: and 'tis only the power of the gospel
that can set them free from sin, so as to become the servants
of righteousness: can deliver them from these enemies, so
as to serve God in holiness all their days. And those
who do not thus know the truth, and have not been made free
thereby, yet have never been able in any country to subsist
long without some sort of government; neither could any
of them ever make out to establish any proper government
without calling in the help of the Deity. However absurd
their notions have been, yet they have found human sight
and power to be so short and weak, and able to do so little
toward watching over the conduct, and guarding the rights
of individuals, that they have been forced to appeal to
heaven by oaths, and to invoke assistance from thence to
avenge the cause of the injured upon the guilty. Hence it
is so far from being necessary for any man to give up any
part of his real liberty in order to submit to government,
that all nations have found it necessary to submit to some
government in order to enjoy any liberty and security at
all.
We
are not insensible that the general notion of liberty, is
for each one to act or conduct as he pleases; but that government
obliges us to act toward others by law and rule, which in
the imagination of many, interferes with such liberty; though
when we come to the light of truth, what can possibly prevent
it's being the highest pleasure, for every rational person,
to love God with all his heart, and his neighbour as himself,
but corruption and delusion? which, as was before noted,
are foreigners and not originally belonging to man. Therefore
the divine argument to prove, that those who promise liberty
while they despise government are servants of corruption
is this; For of whom a man is overcome, of the same is
he brought in bondage. 2 Pet. 2. 18, 19. He is so far
from being free to act the man, that he is a bond
slave to the worst of tyrants. And not a little of this
tyranny is carried on by such an abuse of language, as to
call it liberty, for men to yield themselves up, to be so
foolish, disobedient and deceived, as to serve divers
lusts and pleasures. Tit. 3. 3.
Having
offered these few thoughts upon the general nature of government
and liberty, it is needful to observe, that God has appointed
two kinds of government in the world, which are distinct
in their nature, and ought never to be confounded together;
one of which is called civil, the other ecclesiastical government.
And tho' we shall not attempt a full explanation of them,
yet some essential points of difference between them are
necessary to be mentioned, in order truly to open our grievances.
S
E C T I O N 1
Some
essential points of difference between civil and ecclesiastical
government.
I. The
forming of the constitution, and appointment of the particular
orders and offices of civil government is left to human
discretion, and our submission thereto is required under
the name of their being, the ordinances of men for the Lord's
sake. 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14. Whereas in ecclesiastical affairs
we are most solemnly' warned not to be subject to ordinances,
after the doctrines and commandments of men. Col. 2.
20, 22. And it is evident that he who is the only worthy
object of worship, has always claimed it as his sole prerogative,
to determine by express laws, what his worship shall be,
who shall minister in it, and how they shall be supported.
How express were his appointments concerning these things
by Moses? And so wise and good a ruler as Solomon, was not
intrusted with any legislative power upon either of these
articles, but had the exact dimensions of the temple, the
pattern and weight of every vessel, with the treasuries
of the dedicate things, and the courses of the priests and
Levites, all given to him in writing by the Spirit, through
the hand of his father David. 1 Chron. 28. 11-19. And so
strict were God's faithful servants about these matters,
that Daniel who in a high office in the Persian court, behaved
so well that his most envious and crafty foes, could find
no occasion against him, nor fault in him concerning the
kingdom till they fell upon the device of moving the king
to make a decree about worship, that should interfere with
Daniel's obedience to his God; yet when that was done, he
would not pay so much regard to it as to shut his windows.
Dan. 6. 4-11. And when the Son of God, who is the great
Law-giver and King of his church, came and blotted out the
handwriting of the typical ordinances, and established a
better covenant, or constitution of his church, upon better
promises. we are assured that he was faithful in all his
house, and counted worthy of more glory than Moses. What
vacancy has he then left for faliable men to supply, by
making new laws to regulate and support his worship? especially
if we consider,
2. That
as the putting any men into civil office is of men, of the
people of the world; so officers have truly no more authority
than the people give them: And how came the people of the
world by any ecclesiastical power? They arm the magistrate
with the sword, that he may be a minister of God to them
for good, and might execute wrath upon evil doers; and
for this cause they pay them tribute: upon which the apostle
proceeds to name those divine commandments which are comprehended
in love to our neighbour, and which work no ill to him.
Surely the inspired writer had not forgotten the first and
great command of love to God; but as this chapter treats
the most fully of the nature and end of civil government
of any one in the new-testament, does it not clearly shew
that the crimes which fall within the magistrates jurisdiction
to punish, are only such as work ill to our neighbour? Rom.
13. 1-10. While church government respects our behaviour
toward God as well as man.
3. All
acts of executive power in the civil state, are to be performed
in the name of the king or state they belong to; while all
our religious acts are to be done in the name of the
Lord Jesus; and so are to be performed heartily as
to the Lord, and not unto men. And it is but lip service,
and vain worship, if our fear toward him is taught by
the precepts of men. Col. 3. 17, 23. Isa. 29. 13. Mat.
15. 9. It is often pleaded, that magistrates ought to do
their duty in religious as well as civil affairs. That is
readily granted; but what is their duty therein? Surely
it is to bow to the name of Jesus, and to serve him
with holy reverence; and if they do the contrary they may
expect to perish from the way. Phil. 2. 10. Psa.
2. 10-12. But where is the officer that will dare to come
in the name of the Lord to demand, and forcibly to take,
a tax which was imposed by the civil state! And can any
man in the light of truth, maintain his character as a minister
of Christ, if he is not contented with all that Christ's
name and influence will procure for him, but will have recourse
to the kings of the earth, to force money from the
people to support him under the name of an embassador of
the God of heaven! Does not such conduct look more like
the way of those who made merchandize of slaves and souls
of men, than it does like the servants who were content
to be as their master, who said, He that heareth you
heareth me; and he that despiseth you despiseth me?
Rev. 18. 9, 13. Luke to. 3-16.
4. In
all civil governments some are appointed to judge for others,
and have power to compel others to submit to their judgment:
but our Lord has most plainly forbidden us, either to assume
or submit to any such thing in religion. Mat. 23. 1-9. Luke
22. 25-27. He declares, that the cause of his coming into
the world, was to bear witness unto the truth; and
says he, Every one that is of the truth heareth my voice.
This is the nature of his kingdom, which he says, is
not of this world: and gives that as the reason why
his servants should not tight or defend him with the sword.
John. 18. 36. 37. And it appears to us that the true difference
and exact limits between ecclesiastical and civil government
is this, That the church is armed with light and truth,
to pull down the strong holds of iniquity, and to gain souls
to Christ, and into his church, to be governed by his rules
therein; and again to exclude such from their communion,
who will not be so governed; while the state is armed with
the sword to guard the peace, and the civil rights of all
persons and societies, and to punish those who violate the
same. And where these two kinds of government, and the weapons
which belong to them, are well distinguished. and improved
according to the true nature and end of their institution.
the effects are happy, and they do not at all interfere
with each other: but where they have been confounded together,
no tongue nor pen can fully describe the mischiefs that
have ensued; of which the Holy Ghost gave early and plain
warnings. He gave notice to the church, that the main of
those antichristian confusions and abominations, would be
drawn by philosophy and deceit, from the hand-writing
of ordinances that Christ has blotted out. And to avoid
the same, directs the saints to walk in Christ Jesus as
they received him, rooted and built up in him, and stablished
in the faith as they have been taught; viewing that
they are complete in him, which is the head over all
principality and power. Therefore he charges them not
to be beguiled into a voluntary humility, by such fleshly
minds as do not hold this head, but would subject them to
ordinances after the doctrines and commandments of men.
Col. 2.
Now
'tis well known that this glorious head made no use of secular
force in the first sitting up of the gospel church, when
it might seem to be pecularly needful if ever; and it is
also very evident, that ever since men came into the way
of using force in such affairs, their main arguments to
support it have been drawn from the old Jewish constitution
and ordinances. And what work has it made about the head
as well as members of the church?
First
they moved Constantine, a secular prince, to draw his sword
against heretics; but as all earthly states are changeable,
the same sword that Constantine drew against heretics, Julian
turned against the orthodox. However, as the high priest's
sentence in the Jewish state, decided matters both for prince
and people, the same deceitful pilosophy that had gone so
far, never left plotting till they had set up an ecclesiastical
head over kingdoms as well as churches, who with Peter's
keys was to open and shut, bind and loose, both in spiritual
and temporal affairs. But after many generations had groaned
under this hellish tyranny, a time came when England renounced
that head, and set up the king as their head in ecclesiastical
as well as civil concernments; and though the free use of
the scriptures which was then introduced, by a divine blessing,
produced a great reformation, yet still the high places
were not taken away, & the lord bishops made such work
in them, as drove our fathers from thence into America.
The first colony that came to this part of it carried the
reformation so far, as not to make use of the civil force
to save the people to support religious ministers (for which
they have had many a lash from the tongues & pens of
those who were fond of that way) but the second colony,
who had not taken up the cross so as to separate from the
national church before they came away, now determined to
pick out all that they thought was of universal and moral
equity in Moses's laws, and so to frame a christian common-wealth
here. And as the Jews were ordered not to set up any rulers
over them who were not their brethren; so this colony resolved
to have no rulers nor voters for rulers, but brethren in
their churches. And as the Jews were required to inflict
corporal punishments, even unto death, upon non-conformers
to their worship, this common-wealth did the like to such
as refused to conform to their way; and they strove very
hard to have the
church
govern the world, till they lost their charter; since which,
they have yielded to have the world govern the church, as
we shall proceed to shew.
S
E C T I O N II
A
brief view of how civil and ecclesiastical affairs are blended
together among us, to the depriving of many of God's people
of that liberty of conscience which he has given them.
We
are not insensible than an open-appearance against any part
of the conduct of men in power, is commonly attended with
difficulty and danger; and could we have found any way wherein
with clearness we could have avoided the present attempt,
we would gladly have taken it. But our blessed Lord &
only Redeemer, has commanded us, to stand fast in the
liberty wherewith he has made us free; and things appear
so to us at present that we cannot see how we can fully
obey this command, without refusing any active compliance
with some laws about religious affairs that are laid upon
us. And as those who are interested against us, often accuse
us of complaining unreasonably, we are brought under a necessity
of laying open particular facts which otherwise we would
gladly have concealed: and all must be sensible that there
is a vast difference between exposing the faults, either
of individuals or communities, when the cause of truth and
equity would suffer without it, and the doing of it without
any such occasion. We view it to be our incumbent duty,
to render unto Caesar the things that are his, but that
it is of as much importance not to render unto him any thing
that belongs only to God, who is to be obeyed rather than
man. And as it is evident to us, that God always claimed
it as his sole prerogative to determine by his own laws,
what his worship shall be, who shall minister in it, and
how they shall be supported; so it is evident that this
prerogative has been, and still is, encroached upon in our
land. For,
1. Our
legislature claim a power to compel every town and parish
within their jurisdiction, to set up and maintain a pedobaptist
worship among them; although it is well known, that infant
baptism is never express'd in the Bible, only is upheld
by men's reasonings, that are chiefly drawn from Abraham's
covenant which the Holy Ghost calls, the covenant of
circumcision, Acts 7. 8. And as circumcision was one
of the hand-writing of ordinances which Christ has blotted
out, where did any state ever get any right to compel their
subjects to set up a worship upon that covenant?
2. Our
ascended Lord gives gifts unto men in a sovereign way as
seems good unto him, and he requires every man, as he
has received the gift, even so to minister the same;
and he reproved his apostles when they forbid one who was
improving his gift, because he followed not them. 1 Pet.
4. 10, 11. Luk. 9. 49. But the Massachusetts legislature,
while they claim a power to compel each parish to settle
a minister, have also determined that he must be one, who
has either an accademical degree, or a testimonial in his
favour from a majority of the ministers in the county where
the parish lies. So that let Christ give a man ever so great
gifts, yet hereby these ministers derive a noble power from
the state, to forbid the improvement of the same, if he
follows not their schemes. And if the apostles assumed too
much in this respect to themselves, even when their Lord
was with them, can it be any breach of charity to conclude
that ministers are not out of danger of doing the like now?
especially if we consider how interest operates in the affair.
For,
3. Though
the Lord hath ordained that they which preach the gospel
shall live of the gospel; or by the free communications
to them, which his gospel will produce. 1 Cor 9. 13, 14.
Gal. 6. 6, 7. Yet the ministers of our land have chosen
to live by the law; and as a reason therefor, one
of their most noted writers, instead of producing any truth
of God, recites the tradition of a man, who said, "Ministers
of the gospel would have a poor time of it, if they must
rely on a free contribution of the people for their
maintenance." And he says, "The laws of the province having
had the royal approbation to ratify them, they are the king's
laws. By these laws it is enacted, that there shall be a
public worship of God in every plantation; that the person
elected by the majority of the inhabitants to be so, shall
be looked upon as the minister of the place; that the salary
for him, which they shall agree upon, shall be levied by
a rate upon all the inhabitants. In consequence of this,
the minister thus chosen by the people, is (not only Christ's,
but also) in reality, the king's minister; and the salary
raised for him, is raised in the king's name, and is the
king's allowance unto him."
Now
who can hear Christ declare, that his kingdom is, not
of this world, and yet believe that this blending of
church and state together can be pleasing to him? For though
their laws call them "orthodox ministers," yet the grand
test of their orthodoxy, is the major vote of the people,
be they saints or sinners, believers or unbelievers. This
appears plain in the foregoing quotation; and another of
their learned writers lately says, "It is the congregation
in it's parocal congregational capacity that the law considers;
and this as such does not enough partake of an ecclesiastical
nature to be subject to ecclesiastical jurisdiction.
Hence
their ministers and churches must become subject to the
court, and to the majority of the parish in order to have
their salary raised in the king's name: But how are either
of them in the mean time subject to the authority of Christ
in his church? How can any man reconcile such proceedings
to the following commands of our Master which is in heaven?
Mat. 23. 9, 10. What matter of grief and lamentation is
it that men otherwise so knowing and justly esteemed. should
by the traditions of men be carried into such a crooked
way as this is! for, though there is a shew of equity in
allowing every society to choose it's own minister; yet
let them be ever so unanimous for one who is of a different
mode from the court, their choice is not allowed. Indeed
as to doctrine ministers who preach differently, yea directly
contrary to each other, about Christ and his salvation,
yet are supported by these laws which at the same time limit
the people to one circumstantial mode.
It
is true the learned author just now quoted says, "If the
most of the inhabitants in a plantation are episcopalians,
they will have a minister of their own persuasion; and the
dissenters, in the place, if there be any, must pay their
proportion of the tax for the support of this legal minister."
But then his next words shew that they did not intend ever
to have such a case here; for he says,
In
a few of the towns, a few of the people, in hope of
being released from the tax for the legal minister,
sometimes profess themselves episcopalians. But when
they plead this for their exemption, their neighbours
tell them, They know in their conscience they do
riot as they would be done unto. And if a governor
go by his arbitrary power, to supersede the execution
of the law, and require the justices and constables
to leave the episcopalians out of the tax, they wonder
he is not aware, that he is all this while, forbidding
that the king should have his dues paid unto him; and
forbidding the king's ministers to receive what the
king has given him.
How
essentially and how greatly does this constitution differ
from the institutions established in God's word, both in
their nature and effects?
1. In
their nature. Here you find that every religious minister
in that constitution, is called the king's minister, because
he is settled by direction of the king's laws, and the tax
for such a minister's support is raised in the king's name,
and is called the king's dues: whereas no man in the Jewish
church might approach to minister at the holy altar, but
such as were called of God, as was Aaron: and the
means of their support, were such things as God required
his people to offer and consecrate to Him; and when
they withheld the same, he says, ye have robbed me, even
this whole nation; and it is represented as his peculiar
work to reward obedience, and to punish disobedience in
such affairs. It is evident from sacred record that good
men in every station, used their influence by word and example
to stir up their fellow servants to do their duty toward
God in these respects; and good rulers, in conjunction with
church officers, took care to have what was offered to him
secured and distributed according to God's commandments.
But what is there in all this that can give the least countenance
to the late method, of mens making laws to determine who
shall be Christ's ministers, and to raise money for them
in their own name! Christ said to the Jews, I am come
in my Father's name, and ye receive me not; if another shall
come in his own name, him ye will receive. How can ye believe,
which receive honor one of another, and seek not the honor
that cometh from GOD only? John 5. 43, 44.
Even
a heathen monarch, when he was moved to make a decree in
favour of God's minister's and worship at Jerusalem, it
was to restrain their enemies from injuring or interrupting
of them, and to order that a portion of the king's goods
should be given unto the elders of the Jews for the
building of the house of God, and for the burnt
offerings of the God of heaven. Ezra 6. 6-9. Nothing
appears of his levying any new tax for worship, only that
he gave the articles there specified out of his own goods;
yet some professed christians have imposed new taxes upon
people on purpose to compel them to support their way of
worship, and have blended in with other rates, and then
called it all a civil tax. But as the act itself is deceitful
so 'tis likely' that the worship supported by such means
is hypocrisy. For,
2. The
effects of the constitution of our country' are such, that
as it makes the majority of the people the test of orthodoxy,
so it emboldens them to usurp God's judgment seat, and (according
to Dr. Mather's own account, which we have often seen verified)
they daringly give out their sentence, that for a few to
profess a persuasion different from the majority, it must
be from bad motives; and that, they know in their conscience
that they do not act by the universal law of equity, if
they plead to be exempted from paying the money which the
majority demand of them! And though in our charter the king
grants to all protestants equal liberty of conscience:
yet for above thirty years after it was received, the congregationalists
made no laws to favour the consciences of any men, in this
affair of taxes, but their own sect; and it is here called
arbitrary power, and even a forbidding that the king should
have his dues, if a governor shewed so much regard to the
charter, as to oppose their extorting money from people
of the king's denomination, for their congregational ministers.
And perhaps the learned author now referred to, never delivered
a plainer truth, than when he said, "The reforming churches
flying from Rome, carried some of them more, some of them
less, all of them something of Rome with them, especially
in that spirit of imposition and persecution which too much
cleaved to them."
These
evils cleaved so close to the first fathers of the Massachusetts,
as to move them to imprison, whip and banish men, only for
denying infant baptism, and refusing to join in worship
that was supported by violent methods: yet they were so
much blinded as to declare, That there was this vast difference
between these proceedings and the coercive measures which
were taken against themselves in England, viz. We compel
men to "God's institutions"; they in England compelled to
"mens inventions." And they asserted that the baptists were
guilty of "manifest contestations against the order and
government of our churches, established (we know) by God's
law." Though they professed at the same time that,
It
is not lawful to censure any, no not for error in fundemental
points of doctrine or worship, till the conscience of
the offender, be first convinced (out of the word of
God) of the dangerous error of his way, and then if
he still persist, it is not out of conscience, but against
his conscience (as the apostle saith, Tit. 3. 11.) and
so he is not persecuted for cause of conscience, but
punished for sinning against his conscience.
In
reply to which Mr. Williams says,
The
truth is, the carnal sword is commonly the judge of the
conviction or obstinacy of all supposed hereticks. Hence
the faithful witnesses of Christ, Cranmer, Ridley, Latimer,
had not a word to say in the disputations at Oxford: Hence
the non-conformists were cried out as obstinate men, abundantly
convinced by the writings of Whitgift and others; and so
in the conference before king James at Hampton court, &c.
But
says he,
Every
lawful magistrate, whether succeeding or elected, is not
only the minister of God, but the minister or servant of
the people also (what people or nation soever they be all
the world over) and that minister or magistrate goes beyond
his commission, who intermeddles with that which cannot
be given him in commission from the people. If the civil
magistrate must keep the church pure, then all the people
of the cities, nations and kingdoms of the world must do
the same much more, for primarily and fundementally they
are the civil magistrate. Now the world saith John lieth
in wickedness, and consequently according to it's disposition
endures not the light of Christ, nor his golden candlestick
the true church, nor easily chooseth a true christian to
be her officer or magistrate. The practising civil force
upon the consciences of men, is so far from preserving religion
pure, it is a mighty bulwark or barricado, to keep out all
true religion, yea and all godly magistrates for ever coming
into the world."
How
weighty are these arguments against confounding church and
state together? yet this author's appearing against such
confusion, was the chief cause for which he was banished
out of the Massachusetts colony. And though few if any will
now venture openly to justify those proceedings, and many
will exclaim against them at a high rate; yet a fair examination
may plainly shew, that those fathers had more appearance
of a warrant for doing as they did, than their children
now have, for the actings which we complain of. For those
fathers were persuaded, that the judicial laws of Moses
which required Israel to punish blasphemers, and apostates
to idolatry with death, were of moral force, and binding
upon all princes and states; especially on such as these
plantations were. And how much more countenance did this
give for the use of force to make men conform to what they
believed to be the right way, than men can now have for
compelling any to support a way which at the same time they
are allowed to dissent from? For the Jews also were required
to pull down houses, and to have persons away out of their
camps or cities, if the priests pronounced them unclean;
and they were not permitted to set up any king over them
who was not a brother in their church. Did not these things
afford arguments much more plausible, for their attempt
to compel the world to submit to the church, than any can
have for the modern way, of trying to subject the church
in her religious affairs to rulers, and the major vote of
inhabitants, a great part of whom are not brethren in any
church at all! Though the state of Israel was obliged thus
to inflict death or banishment upon non-conformers to their
worship, yet we have not been able to find, that they were
ever allowed to use any force to collect the priests or
prophets maintenance. So far from it, that those who made
any such attempts were sons of Beliel, and persons that
abhorred judgment, and perverted all equity. Sam.
2. 12-16. Mic. 3. 5, 9.
Many
try to vindicate their way by that promise, that kings shall
become nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers to God's
people. But as the character carries in it's very nature,
an impartial care and tenderness for all their children;
we appeal to every conscience, whether it does not condemn
the way of setting up one party to the injury of another.
Our Lord tells us plainly, that few find the narrow way,
while many go in the broad way; yet the scheme we complain
of, has given the many such power over the few, that if
the few are fully convinced that the teacher set up by the
many, is one that causeth people to err, and is so far from
bringing the pure gospel doctrine, that they should break
the divine command, and become partakers of his evil
deeds; if they did not cease to hear him, or
to receive him into their houses as a gospel minister; yet
only for refusing to put into such a minister's mouth, the
many are prepared with such instruments of war against them,
as to seize their goods, or cast their bodies into prison,
where they may starve and die, for all what that constitution
has provided for them. In cases of common debts the law
has provided several ways of relief, as it has not in the
case before us; for here the assessors plead, that they
are obliged to tax all according to law, and the collector
has the same plea for gathering of it, and the minister
says, I agreed with the society for such a sum, and it is
not my business to release any. So that we have had instances
of serious christians, who must have died in prison for
ministers rates, if christianity and humanity had not moved
people to provide them that relief, which neither those
ministers nor the law that upholds them have done.
Another
argument which these ministers often mention, is the apostolic
direction to us, to pray for all that are in authority,
that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness
and honesty. But do they pray and act according to that
direction? One while they cry up the great advantages of
having religion established by law; and some have caused
near as loud a clamour about it as the craftsmen did at
Ephesus; but when it comes to be calmly represented, that,
religion is a voluntaty obedience unto God, which
therefore force cannot promote; how soon do they shift the
scene, and tell us, that religious liberty is fully allowed
to us, only the state have in their wisdom thought fit to
tax all the inhabitants, to support an order of men for
the good of civil society. A little while ago it was for
religion, and many have declared, that without it we should
soon have no religion left among us: but now tis to maintain
civility. Though by the way it is well known, that no men
in the land, have done more to promote uncivil treatment
of dissenters from themselves, than some of these pretended
ministers of civility have done. In 1644 the court at Boston
passed an act to punish men with banishment, if they opposed
infant baptism; or departed from any of their congregations
when it was going to be administered. And after they had
acted upon this law, one of their chief magistrates observed,
that such methods tended to make hypocrites. To which a
noted minister replied, that if it did so, yet such were
better than profane persons, because said he, "Hypocrites
give God part of his due, the outward man, but the profane
person giveth God neither outward nor inward man." By which
it seems that in that day, they were zealous to have the
outward man if no more given to God; but now that conduct
is condemned as persecution, by their children, who profess
to allow us full liberty of conscience, because they do
not hinder our giving our inward man to God, only claim
a power to seize our outward man to get money for themselves.
And though many of us have expended ten or twenty times
as much, in setting up and supporting that worship which
we believe to be right, as it would have cost us to have
continued in the fashionable way, yet we are often accused
of being coveteous, for dissenting from that way, and refusing
to pay more money out of our little incomes, to uphold men
from whom we receive no benefit, but rather abuse. How far
is this from leading a peaceable life, either of godliness
or honesty!
S
E C T I O N III
A
brief account of what the baptists have suffered under this
constitution, and of their reasons for refusing any active
compliance with it.
Many
are ready to say, the baptists are exempted from ministerial
taxes, therefore why do they complain? Answer, We would
be far from forgetting or undervaluing of our privileges:
but are willing thankfully to acknowledge, that our honored
rulers do protect our societies, so as not to allow them
to be interrupted in their worship; and as the taking cognizance
of marriage belongs to them, we take it as a favour that
they grant our ministers power to administer it, so that
we may have marriage solemnized among ourselves. Many other
liberties we also enjoy under the government that is set
over us, for which we desire to be thankful, both to the
author, and to the instruments of them. Yet if our opponents
could once put themselves into our place, we doubt not but
they would think it was high time, to seek for more full
liberty than we have hitherto enjoyed, a short view of but
a little part of what we have met with, may be sufficient
to evince this.
Our
charter, as before observed, gives us equal religious liberty
with other christians: yet the pedobaptists being the greatest
party, they soon made a perpetual law to support their own
way, but did nothing of that nature to exempt our denomination
from it, for 36 years; and since that time, what they have
done in that respect has only been by temporary acts, which
have been so often changed, that many times their own officers
have hardly known what the law was, that was in force; and
as an exact conformity to the letter of their laws is much
insisted upon in their executive courts, while those acts
have never been enforced with penalties upon their own people,
they have often broken them, and we have had but little
chance to get them punished for so doing. For in all their
acts till the last, they have imposed a name upon us, that
signifies re-baptizers; which we cannot understandingly
own. In many acts the words "belonging thereto" were inserted
so ambiguously, as to leave it disputable, whether a being
church members or only a belonging to the congregation or
worshipping assembly were intended; and in the case of Haverhill,
where their certificate was otherways compleat, and the
case had been determined in the baptists favor, in that
which both parties had agreed should be the final trial,
yet another hearing was obtained in which the want of them
ambiguous words in the certificate, was made, the main plea
by which an action was turned against us, of near three
hundred dollars. All their latter acts have required a list
or lists of our societies, to be given in annually, by a
certain day, signed by three principal members, and the
minister if there be any; and because one of our churches
of above 50 members (and which is now a church in good credit)
happened one year to have such a difficulty with their minister,
as prevented the giving in of said list, they were taxed
to pedobaptist ministers; and tho' some of the society were
advised to apply to their county court for relief, yet instead
of obtaining any, the court took away 20 dollars more from
them. Another church gave in their list by the direction
of a noted lawyer, yet they were all taxed to the pedobaptist
worship, and one of the principal members of the baptist
church, which the law directed to sign the list, was strained
upon; and both the inferior and superior court turned the
case against him, because he was a party concerned.
Here
note, the inhabitants of our mother-country are not more
of a party concerned, in imposing taxes upon us without
our consent, than they have been in this land who have made
and executed laws, to tax us to uphold their worship. This
party influence has appeared in a much larger number of
instances than we are willing to trouble the public with
at this time but one instance more will set our case in
such a striking light, that we must ask for a very serious
attention to it; we mean that of Ashfield, formerly called
Hunts-town in the county of Hampshire. One of the conditions
on which that plantation was granted by our legislature,
was their settling a learned orthodox minister, and building
a meeting-house. Now in the year 1761, full two thirds of
the inhabitants called and settled a minister, who they
believed was taught of God and truly orthodox. But not being
of the same mode with the court (for they were baptists)
other people were prompted on, before this society could
get up a meeting-house, to settle another minister, and
to tax the first minister with all his people to support
their way. This burden the baptists bore for a number of
years, till in 1768, they presented a petition to our general
court for relief; who ordered that they should serve the
town and proprietors of Ashfield with a copy of the petition,
that they might shew cause, if any they had, at the next
session of the court why it should not be granted, and that
a further collection of taxes from the petitioners should
be suspended in the mean time. Yet in the same session of
the court, a law was made which cut the baptists in that
place, off from any exemption from ministerial taxes at
all. In consequence of which several hundred acres of their
lands were sold at public auction, for but a small part
of their real value; of which ten acres belonged to the
baptist minister. And after five or six journies of above
an hundred miles to seek relief, and long waiting without
success, their messenger was at last plainly told, by a
number of our representatives, "That they had a right to
make that law, and to keep the baptists under it as long
as they saw fit." Hereupon notice was given in some Boston
papers, of a design among our churches of joining to seek
redress from another quarter.
Accordingly
at an association or general meeting of our churches at
Bellingham, in September, 1770, these things were considered,
and it was unanimously agreed upon to apply to his majesty
for help, if it could not speedily be obtained here; and
a committee and agents were chosen for that purpose. When
news hereof was spread, our committee were urged by leading
men both in church and state, to apply again to our general
court; which therefore they did in October following. In
the mean time a piece dated from Cambridge, where the court
was then sitting, was published in all the Boston news-papers,
wherein it was represented that, "All possible care had
been taken to prevent our suffering the least disadvantage
from our religious sentiments"; and we were challenged to
shew the contrary if we could.
Upon
this the pious and learned Mr. John Davis, who from Pennsylvania
had not long before been ordained pastor of the second baptist
church in Boston, and who was clerk of our committee, called
them together to consider of this matter. And though they
were far from desiring to enter into a news-paper controversy,
yet they advised him to make some reply to that challenge:
He did so; and on Dec. 27, published a brief and plain view
of the case of Ashfield: but instead of any fair and manly
treatment upon it, he in the Evening-Post of Jan. 7, 1771,
was not only insulted with the names of, "A little upstart
gentleman; enthusiastical biggot; and, this stripling highfliar";
but had it also insinuated that he was employed "by the
enemies of America to defame and blacken the colonies, and
this town in particular." And they had the impudence to
pretend to the world, that all this was wrote by a catholic
baptist. And they inflamed the populace so against Mr.
Davis, that his most judicious friends were afraid of his
being mobbed. But can it be in the power of others to blacken
any people so much, as by this treatment of a worthy stranger
(now at rest) they have blackened themselves! Instead of
honestly coming to the light (which our Lord gives
as the criterion to know him that doth truth, John 3. 21.)
how do they hover in the works of darkness.
The
first article in our committee's petition to the legislature,
being for Ashfield, they were ordered to notify the proprietors
thereof: They did so; and in the spring session of the assembly,
they came with a long address against us, in which they
begin, with saying more generally of the baptists in that
part of the province,
The
proprietors conceive it to be a duty they owe to God
and their country, not to be dispensed with, to lay
open the characters, and real springs of action of some
of these people.
Then
they go on to say,
The
rule the petitioners have set up and on which alone
they seem to ground their claim of exemption, is falslv
applied, and therefore all arguments bottomed on it
must be inconclusive. Natural rights, as the respondents
humbly conceive, are in this province wholly superceded
in this case by civil obligation, and in matters of
taxation individuals cannot with the least propriety
plead them.
Having
thus denied us any claim from natural rights, they resume
what they call an indispensible duty, viz, an attempt to
lay before our honored legislature the baptists character,
and the springs of their actions; and after a number of
mean reflections without any proof at all, they sum up the
springs of the actions of most of them to be "Pride, vanity,
prejudice, impurity and uncharitableness." Very dreadful
indeed if it could be proved! but that is referred to a
hereafter, and they say, "At present we shall content ourselves
with assuring your excellency and honors, that the foregoing
account is not exaggerated."
From
this they proceed to observe, that as it belongs to rulers
to "protect and support all regular religious societies
of protestants," so they say, "Whenever any religion or
profession wears an ill aspect to the state, it is
become a proper object of attention to the legislature.
And this is the religion of the people whom we have been
describing." How much does this resemble the language of
him who said, It is not for the king’s profit to suffer
them! or theirs who cried, If thou let this man go,
thou art not Caesar's friend!
After
thus representing that the religion of the baptists that
way, wears an ill aspect to the state, they go on to speak
of the conditions upon which Ashfield was granted; and then
try to prove that Mr. Ebenezer Smith, pastor of the baptist
church there, "is not a minister in law," because he has
neither an accademical degree, nor a testimonial in his
favor from the majority of the ministers of that county.
And to give an idea of the smallness of his ability for
teaching, they say,
Taking
occasion in one of his discourses upon that passage
of scripture, in which mention is made of the thick
bosses of God's buckler; instead of buckler,
he gave his hearers the word butler. Being interrogated
by one occasionally present as to his meaning, he explained
himself so as clearly shewed, he meant to connect the
other part of the sentence with the word butler, in
the commonly received sense of the word.
The
clearest light we have gained in the matter is this. After
Mr. Smith had been preaching in a neighbouring town some
years ago, a minister who was present asked him what a butler
was? he readily replied, Pharoah's cup-bearer. After a little
more talk, said minister asserted, that Mr. Smith used the
word butler instead of buckler in his sermon. He did not
remember that he had; but if he did so, how injurious is
the above representation? is it not the evil which we read
of in Isa. 29. 20, 21? Having made this reflection upon
Mr. Smith, they say, "He has none of the qualifications
of a minister according to the laws of Christ, or of this
province, unless those of simplicity and orthodoxy."
We wish his accusers were so well qualified. 2 Cor. 1. 12.
and 4. 2.
In
April, 1771, the address we have made a few remarks upon
was referred to a committee of both houses of our general
court, who reported that, "Your committee find, that in
the sale of those lands there was no unfairness, but every
thing was quite fair, quite neighbourly, and quite legal."
And as to our plea for exemption from ministerial taxes
they say, "There is an essential difference between persons
being taxed where they are not represented, therefore against
their wills, and being taxed when represented." So they
advised the court to dismiss our petition as unreasonable;
and though the honorable house of representatives did not
accept that advice, but voted to repeal the Ashfield law;
yet the council refused to concur with them therein; so
that if his gracious majesty in council had not disannuled
said law for us, our brethren of Ashfield must, for ought
that appeared to the contrary, have been entirely stripped
of the inheritances, which they had purchased, and subdued
at the peril of their lives, because of the sword of the
wilderness.
It
may be remembered that the pedobaptist proprietors of Ashfield,
represented that the baptists there were not worthy of the
protection of our legislature. The following narrative may
help to explain what they meant by it. The news of what
our king had done for them, arrived and was published in
Boston the latter end of October, 1771, at which their oppressors
discovered great uneasiness; and on the 8th of November
came two officers with numerous attendants, to the house
of Mr. Smith, father of the baptist minister in Ashfield
(and very much of a father to that society), with a warrant
from the chief judge of that county, to seize his person,
and to search his house and shop for bad money: and it was
said they had a like warrant for the minister, but he happened
to be then absent on a journey. His father was made a prisoner
before he was out of his bed in the morning, and though
he promised the use of his keys, and desired that no lock
might be broken, yet while he was at prayer with his family,
for which he obtained leave of one officer, the other broke
open his shop, and did considerable damage there; and after
searching both that and his house as much as they pleased,
they carried him before the aforesaid judge and others;
where it plainly appeared that the complaint was entered
against Mr. Smith from a report, that he had put off a counterfeit
dollar; which report was then proved to be a false one.
Yet the old gentleman was not released, but was kept a prisoner
through a cold night, in circumstances that greatly injured
his health, and next day was bro't on further examination,
when even his frequent retirement for secret devotion, which
he had practised for above forty years; was catched hold
of to raise a suspicion of his being guilty: and he was
bound over with two sureties to the next superior court
in that county. Hereupon the following men who had been
called as witnesses against him, gave him their testimony
in writing, declaring that they were ready to make oath
to it, in the following terms, viz.
Ashfield,
Nov. 11, 1771
We
the subscribers, who have been summoned to prove an
indictment against Chileab Smith, of his coining and
putting off bad money, do testify and say, that we did
not, nor cannot understandingly attest to one tittle
of the indictment, nor of any circumstance tending to
prove the same. And we never saw nor heard any thing
in him that gave the least ground to mistrust, that
he kept a shop of secrecy, or did any thing there that
he was afraid should be known; and do believe the reports
to the contrary are entirely false. As neither did we
in our judgments hear any of the said indictment in
any measure proved by any of the rest of the evidences;
as witness our hands,
Ebenezer
Sprague,
Nathaniel
Harvey,
Jonathan
Sprague,
Nathan
Chapin,
Moses
Smith. 2d.
Chileab
Smith, jun.
Nehemiah
Sprague.
Also
Leonard Pike, to whom the report was that Mr. Smith had
put off a bad dollar, gave from under his hand that said
report had no truth in it. These are eight of the ten witnesses
that were summoned against Mr. Smith; & tho' much pains
was taken to procure evidence against him at the superior
court, yet he was entirely acquitted; and the law was open
for him to come back for damages, for a malicious prosecution;
but they had contrived to have the complaint against him
entered by a bankrupt, so that no recompence might be obtained
by him. Are these the goodly fruits of having a particular
mode of worship established by law, and their ministers
supported by force!
Though
we are often accused of complaining without reason, yet
no longer ago than the 26th of last January, three men of
good credit, belonging to a numerous and regular baptist
society in Chelmsford, were seized for ministerial rates
(notwithstanding they had given in a list according to law)
and though one of them was above four score years old, another
very infirm in body, while the third had no man at home,
able to take care of the out-door affairs of his numerous
family, yet they, in that cold season, were all carried
prisoners to Concord gaol.
These
accounts we have received from good authority, and have
taken great pains to have them stated as exactly and truly
as possible; and if any can point out the least mistake
in what has been now related, we shall be glad to correct
it. At the same time we are far from charging all the evils
we complain of, upon the whole congregational denomination
without distinction; for we believe there are many among
them in various stations, who are sorely grieved at these
oppressions. We are willing also to make all the allowance
that is reasonable, for the influence of old customs, education
and other prejudices, in those who have injured their neighbours
in these affairs; but is it not high time now to awake,
and seek for a more thorough reformation! We agree with
the committee of our honored legislature in saying, there
is an essential difference between persons being taxed where
they are represented, and being taxed where they are
not so; therefore the whole matter very much turns upon
this point, viz. Whether our civil legislature are in truth
our representatives in religious affairs, or not? As God
has always claimed it as his prerogative, to appoint who
shall be his ministers, and how they shall be supported,
so under the gospel, the peoples communications to Christ's
ministers and members, are called sacrifices with which
God is well-pleased. Phil. 4. 18. Heb. 13, 16-18.
And what government on earth ever had, or ever can have
any power to make or execute any laws to appoint and enforce
sacrifices to God!
In
civil states the power of the whole collective body is vested
in a few hands, that they may with better advantage defend
themselves against injuries from abroad, and correct abuses
at home, for which end a few have a right to judge for the
whole society; but in religion each one has an equal right
to judge for himself; for we must all appear before the
judgment seat of Christ, that every one may receive the
things done in his body, according to that he hath
done (not what any earthly representative hath done for
him) 2 Cor. 5. 10. And we freely confess that we can find
no more warrant from divine truth, for any people on earth
to constitute any men their representatives, to make laws
to impose religious taxes, than they have to appoint Peter
or the Virgin Mary to represent them before the throne above.
We are therefore brought to a stop about paying so much
regard to such laws, as to give in annual certificates to
the other denomination, as we have formerly done.
1. Because
the very nature of such a practice implies an acknowledgment,
that the civil power has a right to set one religious sect
up above another, else why need we give certificates to
them any more than they to us? It is a tacit allowance that
they have a right to make laws about such things, which
we believe in our consciences they have not. For,
2. By
the foregoing address to our legislature, and their committees
report thereon, it is evident, that they claim a right to
tax us from civil obligation, as being the representatives
of the people. But how came a civil community by any ecclesiastical
power? how came the kingdoms of this world to have a right
to govern in Christ's kingdom which is not of this world!
3. That
constitution not only emboldens people to judge the liberty
of other mens consciences, and has carried them so far
as to tell our general assembly, that they conceived it
to be a duty they owed to God and their country,
not to be dispensed with, to lay before them the springs
of their neighbours actions; but it also requires something
of the same nature from us. Their laws require us annually
to certify to them, what our belief is concerning the conscience
of every person that assembles with us, as the condition
of their being exempted from taxes to other's worship. And
only because our brethren in Bellingham, left that clause
about the conscience out of their certificates last year,
a number of their society who live at Mendon were taxed,
and lately suffered the spoiling of their goods to uphold
pedobaptist worship.
4. The
scheme we oppose evidently tends to destroy the purity and
life of religion; for the inspired apostle assures us, that
the church is espoused as a chaste virgin to Christ,
and is obliged to be subject to him in every thing,
as a true wife is to her husband. Now the most chaste domestic
obedience, does not at all interfere with any lawful subjection
to civil authority; but for a woman to admit the highest
ruler in a nation into her husband's place, would be adultery
or whoredom; and how often are mens inventions about worship
so called in the sacred oracles? And does it not greatly
concern us all, earnestly to search out and put away such
evils, as we would desire to escape the awful judgments
that such wickedness has brought on other nations! Especially
if we consider that not only the purity, but also the very
life and being of religion among us is concerned therein;
for 'tis evident that Christ has given as plain laws to
determine what the duty of people is to his ministers, as
he has the duty of ministers to his people; and most certainly
he is as able to enforce the one as the other. The common
plea of our opponents is, that people will not do their
duty if rulers do not enforce it; but does not the whole
book of God clearly shew, that ministers as often fail of
doing their duty as the people do? And where is the care
of rulers to punish ministers for their unfaithfulness?
They often talk about equality in these affairs, but where
does it appear! As Christ is the head of all principality
and power; so the not holding the head, from which all
the body by joints and hands having nourishment ministred,
and knit together, increaseth with the increase of God,
but bringing in an earthly power between Christ and his
people, has been the grand source of anti-christian abominations,
and of settling men down in a form of godliness,
while they deny the power thereof Has not this earthly
scheme prevailed so far in our land, as to cause many ministers,
instead of taking heed to the ministry received from
the Lord; and instead of watching for souls as those
who must give an account, rather to act as if they were
not accountable to any higher power, than that of the men
who support them? and on the other hand, how do many people
behave as if they were more afraid of the collector's warrant,
and of an earthly prison, than of Him who sends his ministers
to preach his gospel, and says, He that receiveth whomsoever
I send, receiveth me; but declares, That it shall he
more tolerable in the day of judgment for Sodom, than for
those who receive them not? Yea, as if they were more afraid
of an earthly power than of our great King and Judge, who
can this night require the soul of him that layeth up treasure
for himself, and is not rich towards God; and will sentence
all either to heaven or hell, according as they have treated
Him well or ill, in his ministers and members.
5. The
custom which they want us to countenance, is very hurtful
to civil society: for by the law of Christ every man,
is not only allowed, but also required, to judge for himself,
concerning the circumstantials as well as the essentials,
of religion, and to act according to the full persuasion
of his own mind; and he contracts guilt to his soul
if he does the contrary. Rom. 14. 5, 23. What a temptation
then does it lay for men to contract such guilt, when temporal
advantages are annexed to one persuasion, and disadvantages
laid upon another? i.e. in plain terms, how does it tend
to hypocrisy and lying? than which, what can be worse to
human society! Not only so, but coercive measures about
religion also tend to provoke to emulation, wrath and contention,
and who can describe all the mischiefs of this nature, that
such measures have produced in our land! But where each
person, and each society, are equally protected from being
injured by others, all enjoying equal liberty, to attend
and support the worship which they believe is right, having
no more striving for mastery or superiority than little
children (which we must all come to, or not enter into
the kingdom of heaven) how happy are it's effects in
civil society? In the town of Boston they enjoy something
of these blessings, and why may not the country have the
same liberty? The ministers who have had the chief hand
in stirring up rulers to treat us as they have done, yet
have sometimes been forced to commend the liberty we plead
for. When they wanted to get footing in the town of Providence,
they-wrote to governor Jencks and other rulers there, in
the following words, viz.
Honorable
gentlemen,
How
pleasing to almighty God and our glorious Redeemer, and
how conducible to the public tranquility and safety, an
hearty union and good affection of all pious protestants
whatsoever particular denomination of account of some differences
in opinion would be, by the divine blessing, yourselves
as well as we, are not insensible: and with what peace and
love societies of different modes of worship have generally
entertained one another in your government, we cannot think
of it without admiration: and we suppose under God, 'tis
owing to the choice liberty granted to protestants of all
perswasions in the royal charter graciously given you; and
to the wise and prudent conduct of gentlemen that have been
improved as governors & justices in your colony.
And
after more of this nature, they close with saving.
We
hope and pray, that ancient matters (that had acrimony unhappily
in them) may be buried in oblivion; and that grace and peace
and holiness and glory may dwell in every part of New-England;
and that the several provinces and colonies in it, may love
one another with a pure heart fervently. We take leave to
subscribe ourselves, your friends and servants,
Dated
Oct. 27. 1721. Peter
Thatcher,
John
Danforth,
Joseph
Beicher,
Committee
of the Association.
The
town of Providence wrote them an answer the next February,
in which they say,
We
take notice how you praise the love and peace that dissenters
of all ranks entertain one another with in this government.
We answer, this happiness principally consists in their
not allowing societies any superiority one over another;
but each society support their own ministry of their own
free will, and not by constraint or force upon any man's
person or estate. But the contrary that takes any man's
estate by force to maintain their own or any other ministry,
it serves for nothing but to provoke to wrath, envy and
strife, and this wisdom cometh not from above, but is
earthly, sensual and devilish. And since you wrote this
letter, the constable of Attleborough has been taking away
the estates of our dear friends, and pious dissenters to
maintain their minister; the like hath been done in the
town of Mendon. Is this the way of peace? Is this the fruit
of your love? Why do you hug the iniquity of Eli's sons,
and walk in the steps of the false prophets, to bite
with the teeth, and cry peace; but no longer than men
put into your mouths than you prepare war against them.
Since you admire our love and peace, we pray you to use
the same methods, and write after our copy and for the future
never let us hear of your pillaging conscientious dissenters
to maintain your ministers. You desire that all former injury
done by you to us may be buried in oblivion. We say, far
be it from us to revenge ourselves; or to deal to you as
you have dealt to us, but rather say, Father forgive
them, they know not what they do. But if you mean that
we should not speak of former actions, done hurtfully to
any man's person, we say, God never called for that, nor
suffered it to be hid, as witness Cain, Joab and Judas,
are kept on record to deter other men from doing the like.
Here
the public may take notice, how desirous pedobaptists ministers
are to have odious things on their side buried out of sight,
but how contrary has their practice ever been toward us?
Even to this day they can hardly preach a sermon, or write
a pamphlet for infant-baptism, without having something
to say about the mad men of Munster, who they tell us rebelled
against their civil rulers: Whereas in truth we never had
the least concern with them, any more than our opponents
have with the pope or Turk. Indeed they often assert, that
those mad men were the first that ever renounced infant-baptism;
but there is proof enough from their own historians, that
this story which they have so often told from their pulpits,
is as absolute a falshood as ever was uttered by man. And
though one learned and pious president of Cambridge college,
was brought to embrace our sentiments, and to bear his testimony
in the pulpit there, "against the administration of baptism
to any infant whatsoever"; for which he suffered considerable
abuse with much of a christian temper: While his successor,
another "very learned and godly man" (who therefore must
have been well acquainted with the original), held that
"baptism ought only to be by dipping or plunging the whole
body under water["]: yet these and other honorable examples
in our favor have been passed over, and every scandalous
thing that could he pick'd up, has been spread, to prejudice
people's minds against our profession in general. And let
it be remembred, that when pedobaptist ministers wanted
to be favored in Providence, they declared, that they could
not think of the peace and love which societies of different
modes of worship have generally entertained one another
with in that government without admiration; and they experienced
so much of this from the baptists in Providence, that when
some others made a difficulty about admitting Mr. Josiah
Cotton (the first minister of the pedobaptists there) as
an inhabitant in the town, Col. Nicholas Powers (a leading
member of the baptist church) became his bondsman to the
town: therefore we hope that our honorable rulers and others,
will be cautious about giving credit to stories of a contrary
nature, when they are told to procure or to justify the
use of force in supporting ministers; especially since ministers
refuse to share in the reproach of such proceedings. For
a minister who has exerted himself very much of late, to
support the cause of those called standing churches, yet
says,
It
is wholly out of rule, and quite injurious, to charge
the churches or their ministers with sending men to
gaol for rates, for these proceedings are evidently
the acts of the civil state, done for it's own utility.
The doings of the civil authority, and of that alone.
Where
are the rulers that will stand alone in that practice, without
either ministers or truth to support them!
C
O N C L U S I O N
And
now our dear countrymen, we beseech you seriously to consider
of these things. The great importance of a general union
through this country, in order to the preservation of our
liberties, has often been pleaded for with propriety; but
how can such a union be expected so long as that dearest
of all rights, equal liberty of conscience is not allowed?
Yea, how can any reasonably expect that he who has the hearts
of kings in his hand, will turn the heart of our earthly
sovereign to hear the pleas for liberty, of those who will
not hear the cries of their fellow-subjects, under their
oppressions? Has it not been plainly proved, that so far
as any man gratifies his own inclinations, without regard
to the universal law of equity, so far he is in bondage?
so that it is impossible for any one to tyranize over others,
without thereby becoming a miserable slave himself: a slave
to raging lusts, and a slave to guilty fears of what will
be the consequence. We are told that the father of Cyrus,
tho' a heathen,
Had
often taught him to consider, that the prudence of men is
very short, and their views very limited; that they cannot
penetrate into futurity; and that many times what they think
must needs turn to their advantage proves their ruin; whereas
the gods being eternal, know all things, future as well
as past, and inspire those that love them to undertake what
is most expedient for them; which is a favor and protection
they owe to no man, and grant only to those that invoke
and consult them.
And
we are told by the same author, of another wise heathen,
who said, "'Tis observable, that those that fear the Deity
most, are least afraid of man." And shall not christians
awake to a most hearty reverence of him who has said (and
will ever make good his word), With what measure ye meet,
it shall be measured to you again.
Suffer
us a little to expostulate with our fathers and brethren,
who inhabit the land to which our ancestors fled for religious
liberty. You have lately been accused with being disorderly
and rebellious, by men in power, who profess a great regard
for order and the public good; and why don't you believe
them, and rest easy under their administrations? You tell
us you cannot, because you are taxed where you are not represented;
and is it not really so with us? You do not deny the right
of the British parliament to impose taxes within her own
realm; only complain that she extends her taxing power beyond
her proper limits; and have we not as good right to say
you do the same thing? and so that wherein you judge others
you condemn your selves? Can three thousand miles possibly
fix such limits to taxing power, as the difference between
civil and sacred matters has already done? One is only a
distance of space, the other is so great a difference in
the nature of things, as there is between sacrifices to
God, and the ordinances of men. This we trust has been fully
proved.
If
we ask why have you not been easy and thankful since the
parliament has taken off so many of the taxes that they
had laid upon us? you answer that they still claim a power
to tax us, when, and as much as they please; and is not
that the very difficulty before us? In the year 1747, our
legislature passed an act to free the baptists in general
from ministerial taxes for ten years: yet because they increased
considerably, when that time was about half expired, they
broke in upon the liberty they had granted, and made a new
act, wherein no baptist church nor minister was allowed
to have any such exemption, till they had first obtained
certificates from three other churches. By which the late
Mr. John Procter observed (in a remonstrance that he drew,
and which was presented to our court) that they had as far
as in them lay,
disfranchised,
unchurched and |
